Mintimer Shaimiyev: ‘We have managed to build the full-fledged system of power in Tatarstan’

The environment dictated: this way it could not continue anymore

Mintimer Sharipovich, today the formation and development of the institute of presidency in the Republic of Tatarstan is the subject of numerous studies. Meanwhile, it's safe to say that in this case you personally played a huge role. How do you remember 1991 when everything was just beginning?

I think that 1991 – it is the consequence, but the causal connection comes from perestroika processes that began in the second half of the 1980s in the USSR. At that time, the whole country was already living in anticipation of changes. That time, the economy was in decline, the entire population was using food stamps. Absolutely everything was regulated – how much oil, meat was on capita. I remember when I was the Minister, my wife went with stamps and stood in line to buy food for our family.

No better was the situation with FMCG and durable goods. The environment dictated: this way it could not continue anymore.

Thus, in fact, during the life of one generation, maybe a little more, there was the revolution in 1917, repressions, war. In 1917, people survived the change of social system and the form of ownership. And the same thing began during perestroika. Yes, perestroika – it was a real revolution with all the attributes inherent in any revolutionary change. It is good that in the 1990s the country was able to cope without a lot of blood.

For Russia, the institution of the presidency in the 1990-2000s played a key role in the ensuring of stability in the country. What has the presidency given to the Republic of Tatarstan do you think?

I always say when we are accused that Tatarstan was the first that adopted the Declaration on state sovereignty and began the so-called 'parade of sovereignties', they often forget that the first Declaration of state sovereignty was adopted by the Russian Federation.

It was the Russian Federation declared their rights to the USSR. Because then the Russian Federation did not have special rights. Everything was controlled by government agencies of the Soviet Union, everything was focused there and was regulated by the State Planning Commission of the USSR.

I am a live participant of the beginning of perestroika, a succession of congresses of people's deputies of the Soviet Union and party conferences, as the Prime Minister of the Republic and for some time I took the post of the First Secretary of the Tatar Regional Committee of the CPSU. The first one who raised heads were the Baltic Republics. But they have their own history, there is much policy, in fact, they did not want to keep them too much. They were leaving quietly. For the rest of the republics there was still hope for establishment of more democratic, joint life, the update of the Union.

Yes, perestroika – it was a real revolution with all the attributes inherent in any revolutionary change. It is good that in the 1990s the country was able to cope without a lot of blood

In such situation, Russia adopted the Declaration on the state sovereignty. Then Tatarstan adopted it. Then they began to call it 'the parade of sovereignties'. Then, our Republic, like all autonomies, were powerless. In the decree of our government (at the time — the Council of Ministers) there was only two percentage of ownership. Two percent! And all the rest was the property of the Union or the property of the Russian Federation. By the way, we did not have much property of the Russian Federation. In the Republic, there were many defence plants, petroleum industry, petrochemicals and a number of other important enterprises, scientific and educational centers.

Tatarstan was ahead by its economic power and production volumes, it used to produce as much as the Baltic republics all together…

In March of 1990, at the 3d Congress of People's deputies of the USSR, it was introduced the post of the President of USSR and the first President of USSR was elected Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev.

I still believe that he should have been elected popularly. There was a great hope for him, he was welcomed. In society there was a certain euphoria.

After all, in the Russian or Soviet history there was no president. It was established for the first time. But, unfortunately, Gorbachev went on the easiest way: he was elected not popularly but at the 3d Congress of people's deputies, which was attended by 2 000 deputies, 1329 of them voted for his candidacy. I think it was a mistake with serious consequences for the country.

In this respect, the Russian Federation did better. On 17 March of 1991, the referendum was held on the establishment of the post of the President of Russia. At the end of April, on the results of the referendum it was adopted the Law 'On elections of the President of Russian SFSR' and there was set the election of the President of the Russian Federation.

And here we, as a Republic adopted the Declaration of state sovereignty following the Russian Federation, took the decision to establish the post of President of the Republic of Tatarstan.

I believe that everything is natural. And the attempts to cast a shadow over Tatarstan at some extent have become untenable.

When in the condition of the early perestroika there appeared such forms of social control as the presidency, the President of the Soviet Union was established, and fundamentally there was taken the decision on the election of the President of the Russian Federation, then, of course, our public organizations, deputy corps also raised this question. And we decided to establish the office of President and to set the election of the President of the Russian Federation and the President of Tatarstan on the same day.

Well, you know the results.

Although they created the same conditions for everyone, the candidate in presidents of the Russian Federation Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin did not have the majority of votes in the Republic. But the President of Tatarstan was chosen very well: 70.6% of the voters from those who took part in the elections voted for him.

I can say that in any case this decision was justified.

By adopting the Declaration on state sovereignty, we have assumed obligations and responsibility for the destiny of the multinational people of the Republic. In the futher, we secured it through the treaty 'On the delimitation of subjects and mutual delegation of powers between the bodies of state power of the Russian Federation and the bodies of state power of the Republic of Tatarstan' signed in February 1994. Why do we attach to this agreement a great importance? We have long worked on this document.

Once we have asserted the rights, there must be the power of the appropriate level that combines the activities of the executive and the legislative branches of government. It was necessary.

Thus was elected the first President of the Republic of Tatarstan. It was the people's choice. And it is enshrined in the Constitution of our Republic. According to the Constitution, the President of Tatarstan is the highest official of the Republic of Tatarstan and the head of state. There is nothing artificial here, according to the meaning of the 5th article of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Republic is identified with the state, the expression 'state' is output in brackets, the 2nd paragraph of this article reads: 'The Republic (state) has its own Constitution and legislation'. By the way, so it was in the Constitution of the USSR. With the adoption of the new Constitution of the Republic of Tatarstan all civilized legal norms of statehood have been met.

Once we have asserted the rights, there must be the power of the appropriate level that combines the activities of the executive and the legislative branches of government. It was necessary

Perhaps, they contradicted the outdated Constitution of the USSR and the Constitution of the RSFSR. That's another thing. At all times it was the following way: revolutions take place and new rules of life appear. This is a normal process for perestroika and the period of formation of statehood of Tatarstan.

There were not just political and economic reforms. Sometimes political went ahead, and economic lagged behind. Economic reforms are always more difficult to carry out. Political reforms — it is a statement of your aspirations, goals, and ensuring of political stability. But without economy it is impossible. Therefore, life and economic experience, the team and the elected President of the Republic – all this played a positive role. It could not be the other way.

We managed to keep the cadre

The first national democratic elections of the President of Tatarstan took place on 12 June of 1991. What challenges did you face? Surely there are some most memorable moments for you personally, the events of that time. Could you tell us about them?

'When they say that the first election of the Tatarstan President were uncontested, they forget very interesting details. In 1989-1991 there were many political movements whose leaders sought to realize themselves in the presidential election in June 1991. The Supreme Council of the Republic on the basis of the Law on elections established the required number of signatures of voters who support presidential candidates. The signatures were collected by several people, including Ivan Grachev, Kamil Shaidarov. The Central Election Commission was provided with the signatures in support of 4 candidates, but three of them failed to collect the necessary number of signatures. Then I brought more than 200 thousand signatures to the Election Commission and obtained necessary legal support for participation in the elections. In any case, it was not so easy as it may seem.

I think that we managed to decide what should be the Supreme Council, the legislative body of the Republic, and what should be the government, the Executive body. Everyone has to carry his suitcase. And we managed to do so that the work went according to the rules. Before – I experienced it myself, working as the Chairman of the government, — the party organs did not give chance to work normally to the independent executive bodies of state power prescribed by the Constitution. The party always interfered in the work of the executive bodies.

In those years, the only party was the Communist party, it was the ruling, it had the leading role in society, enshrined in the 6th article of the USSR Constitution. This is a lesson for us at all times. In a civilized democratic society there cannot be a one-party system.

Who was your co-thinkers? With whom you started the building of that new for the country institute of power?

These times, we were blamed for many things. For example, in our government turned out to be economical heads, in general local ones – Muhammat Sabirov, Farid Mukhametshin. Then Rustam Nurgalievich Minnikhanov was invited, young, but who already had the experience of management work.

It was the 'earth-born' leaders, I would say. They were supposed to be people who understand, who know how things work in real life. And it played, maybe, even a crucial role. These were people with a certain experience of the party and Soviet work.

I think that we managed to retain the cadre. They were evolving over the years. There was the system of training, the first secretaries of district committees and city committees developed through the deals and were prepared people.

Perestroika was under the slogan 'All power to the Soviets'. And all power should be given to the Soviets. From the Constitution of the USSR it was removed the 6th article on the leadership of the party. This radically changed the position of party leaders. And then we oriented how to act further.

I will not forget: then I gathered the first secretaries of districts, cities. At that time, I was the first Secretary of the regional Committee, after of Gumer Ismagilovich Usmanov when he became the Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. All first secretaries of district committees were experienced people, I was much younger than many of them. I proposed to them: 'The party has no future, the one-party system will not exist from now. You are experienced people, and I suggest you to go to work in the Soviets.'

I had a very deep impression after that meeting. How they looked at me! They were all powerful people. But after this conversation, about 70 percent of the first secretaries of the party headed the Soviets. And it was we who contributed to this. The others, who did not assessed the situation, remained in the party, which did not have prospects anymore.

Most importantly, I repeat, we have managed to retain the cadre.

We have managed to build the full-fledged system of power in Tatarstan. Therefore, all branches of government are developing, we try not to infringe any of them in any form. And the President's powers – it is like above all

In many regions and territories, when perestroika was under way, under the pressure of street demonstrations the party workers were simply swept away from their posts. They were mostly good secretaries, experienced. And if we hadn't worked ahead of the curve, we would not retain key personnel, which subsequently played a major role in the formation of the new Republic.

The rally at Freedom Square on 18 February 1990 was demostartive, it was a historic rally. It was a tough test for the Communist party. Everyone was revolutionary tuned – whether nationalists or federalists – they all criticized the government, party bodies, and none of the party workers could answer convincingly. They had no experience of debate or struggle, because the party never had competitors, consequently, the political school. Then I realized what this one-party system was, which leads to impotence.

Those times, in many regions and territories of the country those came to power who had no management experience. Those came who spoke well, promised a lot – in short, populists. Then they quickly left because they could not do anything. I watched it all, I saw it. Just imagine: Moscow. There was a powerful regional group of people's deputies, consisting of politicians of the new wave, among them was Gavriil Popov. He was elected as the Mayor of Moscow. But I must say he is an honest man. He always criticized the system and the government because there was no order. But, having worked as a mayor for one year, he frankly admitted: 'It turns out to be a Mayor it is not my thing'. I will never forget: he boldly stated that and resigned!

But in other regions this did not happen, even in the big cities of Russia. Many people did not have the guts to resign themselves. They were hoping for a miracle, but it did not happen.

We have managed to build the full-fledged system of power in Tatarstan. Therefore, all branches of government are developing, we try not to infringe any of them in any form. And the President's powers – it is like above all.

On photo: the accession of Mintimer Shaimiev to the office of the President of Tatarstan, 4 July, 1991.